This basket, housed at the Mt. Kearsarge Indian Museum, is a fancy basket hamper decorated with cowiss that dates to c. 1900s. Cowiss is the Abenaki word for the spiral strips of splint that add texture to the basket (Wiseman 135). The inside wefts (horizontal splints) are dyed a pretty sea green and provide an appealing contrast to the tan colored warps (vertical splints) (McMullen 20). This basket is representative of the type of basket that would be found in non-native basketseller catalogues (Clark).

After fancy baskets rose in demand and popularity, "non-native middlemen set out to organize and control the basket industry by preparing wholesale catalogues, supplying tools and molds and raw materials (including dyes), and dictating what baskets would be made" (Porter 67). Non-native middlemen hoped to streamline the basket selling process in order to increase their profits and facilitate the transportation of baskets to customers. However, this had the following negative impact on native basketmakers:

-Basketmakers made less money per basket

-Basketmakers were no longer in control of the designs and styles of the baskets

-Basketmakers were no longer free in expressing themselves through their basketry

-The catalogues showcased large amounts of the same type of baskets, which reduced the value of each basket

The St. Regis Indian Trading Company is one example of this type of middleman industry. Their  catalogue, for instance, illustrates baskets as one of many instead of one of a kind. The catalogue describes a similar basket as follows: "hampers for soiled linen, made Urn shape of fine splint sides decorated with rows of curl trimming, detachable covers" (St. Regis Indian Trading Company). Because it focuses on the physical function and appearance of the basket, the description strips the basket of character and personality. It attempts to reduce the basket into an object without a story. Before middleman companies, baskets were usually purchased either directly from the basketmaker or through a family member or friend. The transaction itself was interactive, social and a part of the story of the basket. The catalogue removed the necessity of meeting the creator and turned the transaction into any other everyday purchase.

Because basketmakers were no longer able to make a living on selling baskets alone, many of them took other jobs in order to feed their families (Porter). Less and less American Indians taught their children or made baskets. Many assumed that basketry was a dying art form until American Indians from various tribes took it upon themselves to revitalize basketry. Today many Abenaki are able to make a living through basketmaking. Furthermore, baskets are treated as more than a functional object or as art: they are full of stories.

Works Cited

Clark, Lynn. "Comments on Basket Essays." 8 Aug. 2012. E-mail.

McMullen, Ann. Key into the Language of Woodsplint Baskets. Institution for American Indian Studies, 1987. Print.

Mundell, Kathleen. North by Northeast: Wabanaki, Akwesasne Mohawk, and Tuscarora Traditional Arts. Tilbury House Publishers, 2008. Print.

Porter, Frank W. The Art of Native American Basketry: A Living Legacy. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1990. Google Books. Web. 29 Aug. 2012.

St. Regis Indian Trading Company. "St. Regis Indian Trading Company Catalogue." 46-47. Print.

Wiseman, Frederick Matthew. The Voice of the Dawn: An Autohistory of the Abenaki Nation. University Press of New England, 2001. Print.

This hat basket, one that would have been sold to tourists, nicely illustrates Abenaki basketry's functional and aesthetic appeal. The chain link design on the lid, a common design on many baskets, represents friendship (Hopkinton Historical Society). The inside of the basket is lined with newspaper, a common practice at the time, and serves a purely functional purpose (Fitzgerald 52). Although various words can be read from the print, the basket overtakes the newspaper as the "text" through its continuance of Abenaki culture and tradition (Fitzgerald 52).

The Impact of Tourism

The earliest baskets were used for carrying items and storage. However, beginning in the nineteenth century, an influx of tourists into northern New England turned this tradition into a way to earn a living.  As authentic Native-made baskets became more fashionable. their design changed. They went from simple, understated containers to brightly colored affairs designed to draw consumers' attention.

When visitors to New England were shelling out cash for authentic Native American-made baskets, they wanted what they envisioned as the full Native experience. Some Abenaki families, like that of Maurice Dennis, donned stereotypically “Indian” looking clothing expressly to sell their wares (McMullen 32). Cultural observers, and basketmakers themselves, have mixed feelings about these accommodations. One Native anthropologist, Lisa Neuman, has expressed concern about the damage done to Native cultures and economies when basketmakers are forced "into the expected stereotypical roles of indigenous 'craftspeople'” (90). In Maine, Neuman observers, voters roundly defeated a Wabanaki proposal to build a casino for economic self-sufficiency.  In Neuman's assessment, non-Native citizens expected Wabanaki people to "'stay quietly on our reservations'. . . passive and docile rather than full participants in Maine’s economy” (91).

Economic Adaptation

Art historian Joan Lester details these aesthetic changes: “Basket weavers were already accustomed to accommodating their craft to non-Indian tastes and styles. By the 1860s, round, covered ash-splint baskets with splints of varying widths, swabbed with color, were being made by Penobscot weavers [in Maine]. Modeled after hat boxes and bandboxes, these baskets were sought after for their practical as well as aesthetic qualities. And the weavers seem to have understood what would appeal to this new tourist market.”

An unidentified fishing basket trap from the Mt. Kearsarge Indian Museum in Warner, NH, is likely an eel trap. Woven from wood splints, it stands nearly three feet high when stood on end. Museum staff is unsure of this basket’s exact date and place of origin, but Abenaki and other Native people in northeastern New England have long used trap baskets of this kind with their fishing weirs. Abenaki basket maker Bill Gould, who makes similar items, explains that a trap like this “is set up under water and weighed down with bait inside.”

What is a Fishing Weir?

Fishing weirs, sometimes constructed of stone, and sometimes of wooden stakes, work “to obstruct the passage of the fish in order to facilitate its capture, and impound the fish so that it cannot get away" (lutins). Weirs can capture fish traveling either upstream or downstream, usually during the spawning period, when they have the most fat. In a 1992 study of prehistoric fishing weirs in the northeast, allen lutins observes that “weirs and traps may be used independently, but their functions are often combined in a single structure when traps are used to collect the fish forced by the weir to a narrow outlet.”

The oldest fishing weirs could be vast. Fredrick Johnson describes an enormous prehistoric weir found in 1913 under Boylston Street in Boston. Dating back to the Late Archaic period, it covers about two acres and includes some 65,000 stakes interwoven with brush wattling, or a mixture of shrubs and branches (27). The Late Archaic period occurred in 1250 BC-3800 BC (Fagan 202). According to Johnson, the difference in construction between this ancient fish weir and modern ones was that the stakes were not evenly spread out or of the same size (Johnson 57).

Fishing, Baskets, and Culture

Throughout New England, fishing has been an important means of subsistence for Native people, promoting a spiritual connection to specific places. Kerry Hardy finds that, for the Wabanaki Indians of Maine, waterfalls and ideal fishing spots historically determined the significance of villages: “The greater the obstacle, the better the harvest, and the more important the town” (62).

In New Hampshire’s Winnepesaukee region, three stone weirs were found in the 1930s. One was W shaped and the other two were V shaped, with points oriented downstream (Proctor 41-49). According to Brian Fagan, V-shaped weirs could be used with basket traps (79). The traps could be placed near the points of the weirs, which funneled fish into them. The weirs at Winnepesaukee, unfortunately, were eventually removed because they interfered with water navigation (Moorhead 51).

Protection of Fishing Grounds

Historically, Native people have fought determinedly to protect their fishing grounds. In a 1748 petition, residents of the praying town of Natick defined their right to fish on Lake Cochituate, against the encroachment of English settlers. Historian Jean O’Brien has discussed this petition in some detail as evidence of Indian resistance; with respect to the value of fishing weirs, she notes that “The petitioners describe their fishing rights as an ‘old and valuable liberty’ rather than a gift in the form of a specific grant from the General Court” (O’Brien 126). Therefore, this petition conveys that the Indians had these rights long before the arrival of the English, although they were forced to formally request them back in writing. Similarly, the eel basket pictured here—made of trees, placed in rivers, and capturing food for people—acts as a text tying indigenous people to a particular place.

Works Cited

Fagan, Brian M. The First North Americans: An Archaeological Journey. Ancient Peoples and Places. New York, N.Y: Thames & Hudson, 2011.

Gould, Bill. E-mail interview. 10 Apr. 2012.

Hardy, Kerry. Notes on a Lost Flute: A Field Guide to the Wabanaki. 1st ed. Down East Books, 2009.

Johnson, Frederick. The Boylston Street Fishweir, a Study of the Archaeology,biology, and Geology of a Site on Boylston Street in the Back Bay District of Boston, Massachusetts. Papers of the Robert S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeology v. 2. Andover, Mass: Phillips academy, The Foundation, 1942.

Lutins, Allen. Prehistoric Fishweirs in Eastern North America. MS thesis. 1992. Binghamton : n.p.,1992. Web. 10 Apr. 2012.

Moorehead, Warren King, and Benjamin Lincoln Smith. The Merrimack Archaeological Survey: a Preliminary Paper. Peabody Museum, 1931.

O’Brien, Jean M. Dispossession by Degrees: Indian Land and Identity in Natick, Massachusetts, 1650-1790. Cambridge Studies in North American Indian History. Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

O'Brien , Jean. "Our Old and Valluable Liberty ." Early Native Literacies in New England. Ed. Kristina Bross and Ed. Hilary E. Wyss . Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2008. 119-129. Print.

Proctor, Mary A. The Indians of the Winnipesaukee and Pemigewasset Valleys. Powwow River Books, 2007.

A two sentence summary of the Oyster River Massacre is etched into a plaque on the banks of Mill Pond in Durham, New Hampshire:

“On July 18, 1694, a force of about 250 Indians under command of the French soldier, de Villieu, attacked settlements in this area on both sides of the Oyster River, killing or capturing approximately 100 settlers, destroying five garrison houses and numerous dwellings.  It was the most devastating French and Indian raid in New Hampshire during King William's War.”

While the dates and numbers are true, this memorial promotes the one-sided history that has been passed down for generations, retelling the event as an unprovoked attack on a sleepy New England colony.  What is often excluded in these accounts is the expansionist culture of the British settlers, who had begun invading Abenaki territory many years earlier.  While the Abenaki people witnessed the land they once knew drastically altered by colonization, they took action to save their tribe from devastation by adapting to European war customs and forming an alliance with the French.  

As historian Craig Brown explains, “the Abenaki regarded themselves as a military power on equal footing with the Europeans.  The Indians were fighting primarily to recover kinsmen taken by the English and to push back English encroachment on their land” (3).  For years, Abenakis struggled to continue their way of life as the British pushed them off their land in Eastern New Hampshire and Southern Maine, blocking their fishing sites and damaging their corn crops with loose cattle.  The Abenaki view of land rights can be seen through Bomoseen’s own words as reported to the Council of Massachusetts by John Hill: “all those lands belonged to his uncle Moxis the Chief Sachamor of that place, and [John Hill] saith that those Eastern Indians carry themselves very surly and insolently and do say, that the English shall not repossess and enjoy ye lands in ye province of Maine than by agreement with them” (4).  The Abenaki realized that their best approach to dealing with these people was to follow European customs, including using treaties and agreements to come to compromises.  Although Bomoseen’s request to respect Abenaki land should have come as a forewarning for future conflict to come, his words were often ignored by the British, who constantly “encroach[ed] on [Abenaki] territory creating much tension between the two peoples, which fed a continuing cycle of diplomatic negotiations and violent clashes” (4) including the Oyster River Massacre.  

During King William's War, fought from 1689 to 1697, French-Abenaki raids on British settlements were a common battle tactic.  After the Treaty of Pemaquid was signed in 1693, outlining peace and trade conditions between the British and Abenaki, the French realized they had to keep their Abenaki allies on good terms if they wanted to win the war.  Although thirteen Abenaki chiefs signed the document, "the English assumed that the signers of the treaty represented all the Indians, which reflected a dangerous lack of understanding of Indian politics and social structure" (3) Each smaller tribe had a chief, and any chief who did not sign the treaty did not feel like they had to listen to it.  While some Abenaki clans agreed to these new acts of neutrality with the British, others remained loyal to the French.

When the governor of New France, Louis de Bade Frontenac heard news of the Treaty of Pemaquid, he enlisted the French military and Abenaki allies to invade Oyster River Plantation, a small town some ten miles inland from the Atlantic Ocean.  The French were led by Claude-Sebastian de Villieu and the Abenakis by Bomoseen.  The 250 Frenchmen and Indians attacked Oyster River Plantation on July 18, 1694, killing 45 settlers, taking 49 captive, and burning 5 homes to the ground.  Hezekiah Mills, an Indian who allied with the British testified his account of the raid, claiming he “saw Bomaseen in his canoe which was well-laden.  There was four English captives, some scalps and a large pack of plunder brought in that canoe” (5). This is one of very few first-person testimonies of the Oyster River Massacre, corroborating Bomoseen’s commanding presence at the raid.  Due in part to his leadership during the raid, it was determined a French and Abenaki success as the attack resulted in death, famine and destitution for British survivors.

Almost twenty years later, the French admitted defeat against the British in the War of Spanish Succession, which carried over into the New World territories.  On January 19, 1712, the French signed the Treaty of Utrecht, establishing peace between the two powers and shifting control in many European nations.  With command of New England, the British called Abenaki leaders to Portsmouth in July of 1713 to sign the Peace Treaty of Portsmouth, outlining the new rules tribes must follow under British command.  
These included but were not limited to: 

-Acknowledge themselves submissive, obedient subjects of Queen Anne
-Cease acts of hostility towards subjects of Great Britain and their estates
-Allow English settlers to return to their former settlements without molestation or claims by the Indians
-Address grievances in English court, rather than in "private revenge"
-Cast themselves upon Her Majesty for mercy and pardon for past rebellions, hostilities and violations of their promises

The signatures of Bomoseen and other Abenaki tribal leaders on this document shows their acceptance to follow British customs in an attempt to conduct themselves as a respectable military power.  Although their French allies had lost, the Abenaki were not willing to abandon their dignity and followed the treaty until the British broke their promises, encroaching on land they promised not to touch.  Bomoseen remained loyal to his people while attempting to do what was best for them, whether during the Oyster River Massacre, the Peace Treaty of Portsmouth, or other events during the French and Indian War in later years.  

Works Cited:
(1) Kidder, Frederic. The Abenaki Indians: Their Treaties of 1713 & 1717, and a Vocabulary. Portland: Brown Thurston, 1859. Page 25. 
(2) Calvert, Mary R. Black Robe on the Kennebec. Monmouth, 1991. 
(3) Brown, Craig J. "The Great Massacre of 1694': Understanding the Destruction of Oyster River Plantation." Historical New Hampshire 53 (1998): 69-91. 
(4) Belmessous, Saliha. Native Claims: Indigenous Laws Against Empire:1500-1920. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012. Page 108.
(5) Farnsworth, Janice. "Testimony of Hezekiah Miles, Friendly Indian, on Preparations of Attack on Groton & Oyster River." Northeast Captivity Stories. 3 April 2012.

The Life of a Basket

waligek abaznoda gagalnemenal/ abaznodakad w’eljial.

A good basket holds its maker's hands.

(Jesse Bruchac, "Abaznodaal")

Baskets are very important in Abenaki culture, and Abenaki linguist Jesse Bruchac's poem describes them as having life within them. Abenaki oral tradition ties the people intimately to baskets by way of the natural materials used to make them. According to ethnohistorian Gordon Day, Western Abenakis believe that “man was created by Tabaldak… he created a couple from living wood who pleased him and who became the ancestors of the Indian race” (218).

Abenaki Language and Baskets

In the Abenaki language, words are categorized as either “animate” or “inanimate.” The word for basket, abaznoda, is inanimate. And yet "inanimate" does not mean "less important." Day explains that “many things are alive that whites commonly regard as inanimate, and every living thing has its own peculiar power, more or less specific in kind and limited in quantity” (218). Elie Joubert, an author and teacher of the Abenaki language, elaborates on this point:  an animate noun is “the Abenaki way of expressing connectedness with reverence to living things, celestial bodies, and the creation of all things great and grand on this land. The determination was made long ago, by our ancestors according to their view of the world at that time. We as speakers of the language do not question why one bush is animate and another is inanimate.”

Abenaki Culture in a Basket

The basket pictured here captures these relationships between the people, their history, and their land and resources.  Unlike many of the fancy baskets seen in museums, it is a strictly utilitarian item--an unusual find, since baskets of this type were often thrown away. The Hopkinton Historical Society obtained this basket from a local farmer named Ebenezer Morrill (1806-1892), who reported that he got it from a Native woman who camped by the river in Contoocook.

In its original description, the Historical Society noted that this basket is sturdy, able to carry heavy items, and that it shows evidence of having been made in relative haste: its splints are not smoothed as they are in more decorative baskets; and its vertical warps are cut off, rather than folded in at the rims.

For all the humble nature of its design, this basket is nevertheless a powerful testament to Native people's continuous presence in the Hopkinton area throughout the 1800s, and in New Hampshire more generally, despite the persistent myth that they "vanished" from this state. 

Basketmakers Today

Like basketmakers, advocates and teachers of the language like Jesse Bruchac and Elie Joubert are working to ensure that Abenaki culture and will survive through many more generations. These teachers are adapting to new economies and technologies: Bruchac uses media like YouTube to document his children learning the language. Just as this utilitarian basket has survived two hundred years, carrying histories of its culture, the Abenaki language has also survived, carrying the stories and knowledge of the people who have lived along the river in Contoocook and in other areas of New England since time immemorial.

Works Cited

Bruchac, Jesse Bowman., Joseph Alfred Elie. Joubert, and Jeanne

A. Brink.L8dwaw8gan Wji Abaznodakaw8gan: The Language of Basket Making. Greenfield Center, NY: Bowman, 2010. Print.

Day, Gordon M. Title In Search of New England's Native Past: Selected Essays by Gordon M. Day. Univ of Massachusetts Pr, 1999. Print.

This ash splint yarn basket, dating to 1760, is one of the earliest baskets in our online archive. It is also one of the earliest known Penacook baskets. The early date is notable because most baskets around today are of a later date. Part of the Hopkinton Historical Society collection, this basket once held a label that read, "Ball Basket for Knitting Work/ Date 1760" and indicates that the basket would have been used as a holding place for yarn (Hopkinton Historical Society). Additionally, a piece, meant to hold knitting needles, is missing. Splints of different sizes make up the rotund shape of the basket. Several splints are dyed black with a natural dye. Despite fading, red and yellow dye is evident on some of the splints. This basket boasts a friendship chain around the lid and at various points around its midsection (Hopkinton Historical Society). (The friendship chain is also present in another basket within this archive.) The basket boasts an equal mix of utilitarian purpose and aesthetic design. In other words, it fulfills both the functions of utility and decoration. This basket and others like it are a testament to the continuing presence of the Abenaki people long after they are said to have disappeared from New Hampshire. Much earlier than the popular fancy baskets of the late 1800s, the basket is a precursor that emphasizes the longstanding Abenaki tradition of basket making.

The Significance of an Early Basket

The early date of this basket indicates that the Abenaki adapted economically much sooner than the fancy basket period: “Beginning in the 1700s, making and selling baskets and other traditional art forms became a means of survival that still allowed for the freedom to continue traditional ways” (Mundell 25). Not only were they selling utilitarian baskets to farmers but were creating more specialized baskets to fill specific needs such as this particular basket for yarn. Most baskets do not have such an early date because baskets were utilitarian in purpose: they were not preserved.

Proof of a Continued Culture

The tradition of making baskets as well as the stories that accompany the process are just as important as the physical object itself. While the presence of the physical basket reminds the younger generation about their ancestors, the actual process forms a deeper connection because they are performing the same acts as their ancestors (Mundell). The time, effort, and talent needed in creating the baskets leave a lasting effect. Baskets are an important aspect of Abenaki culture that underscores the tribe's adaptability and survival.

For a long time, Abenaki people were hidden from mainstream vision and baskets such as this one help to reaffirm the continued presence of their culture and traditions. This basket emphasizes that the Abenaki people were not simply making baskets for profit. The designs and materials have a context that transforms this basket into a text that can be read. It expresses that while Abenaki basketmakers altered the specific types of baskets they made, they continued to express traditional and perhaps historical messages through their baskets. The functional aspect of baskets does not diminish its power of communication (Fitzgerald).

Works Cited

"Digital Collection: Abenaki Knitting Basket." Memorial Hall Museum Online. Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association, 2008. Web. 30 May 2012.

Fitzgerald, Stephanie. "The Cultural Work of a Mohegan Painted Basket." Early Native Literacies in New England. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2008. 52-56. Print.

Mundell, Kathleen. North by Northeast: Wabanaki, Akwesasne Mohawk, and Tuscarora Traditional Arts. Tilbury House Publishers, 2008. Print.

Rasmussen, Birgit Brander. Queequeg’s Coffin: Indigenous Literacies and Early American Literature. Duke University Press Books, 2012. Print.

Made from ash splint and detailed with Hong Kong Cord, this berry basket stands out because of the handwritten note on its ash splints that names the encampment on Bassett Mill Road in Hopkinton, NH as the location where it was sold and possibly made. The various splints of varying shapes and sizes, which were "not cut using a gauge as is typical of later baskets made by Abenaki artisan basketmakers," indicate the basket as utilitarian (Hopkinton Historical Society). The basket "is physical evidence of Native American life in Hopkinton in the 1800s," which is important because Indians in New England are commonly presumed to have disappeared (Hopkinton Historical Society). This basket is one object among many that offers proof of Native Americans in New England and is representative of Abenaki culture, tradition, and survival.

The Meaning of The Material

Hong Kong cord, "a commercially produced cord of natural fibers, imported and sold to native Americans for use in woodsplint baskets," was used instead of sweetgrass to speed up production, which shows the Abenaki ability to adapt in order to survive economically (McMullen 19). Despite being hard to acquire, sweegrass is still used in baskets today. Because Baskets have taken a more artistic and cultural meaning, they can sell for much more. Being able to use different materials, however, is important to many basketmakers. For example, Judy Dow and Gail Tremblay use modern and sometimes unusual materials while still weaving in the traditional way. They do this because it is important to preserve the process even if traditional materials are increasingly difficult to find.

The Threat of the Emerald Ash Borer

Ash trees are becoming rarer because of the emerald ash borer, an invasive species from Asia. The emerald ash borer attacks the ash tree, eating the leaves while the larvae burrow into the tree bark, making it unsuitable for making into splints. Because the ash borer is so devastating to the ash tree, it has a big affect on the Native community, especially those who pound ash for baskets.  There are efforts, however, to preserve the tree and stop the spread of the emerald ash borer. The Cerceris wasp, for example, makes a good predator for the emerald ash borer. Education is also a powerful tool as the transportation of firewood is the easiest and fastest way for the borer to spread. Discouraging people from transporting firewood is the best way to prevent the spread of the borer.

The Abenaki and Conservation

Some Abenaki are also involved in conservation efforts. For example, the Nulhegan tribe along with the Sierra Club of Vermont is advocating for tribal and town forests called the Our Forests Our Future initiative: "The land we walk upon is a gift and from that land my people were able to meet their every need and maintain the beauty of the land" (SierraClubVT). The forests would only be used for traditional activities such as sustainable hunting and fishing, recreational activities such as hiking, and would serve as “a place to teach our children the simplicity of sustainable living and stewardship” (SierraClubVT). These forests would also help with the acquirement of ash trees for basketmaking as well as provide clean air to breathe in addition to clean medicine and food. One of the goals of the project is to provide safe, natural habitats and migration routes for animals. By building community, sustainable resources, and a sanctuary for wildlife, tribal and town forests offer many positive aspects for both natives and non-natives alike. The natural materials of this basket are an important part of Abenaki culture as illustrated through the Abenaki creation story. The only way that baskets can continue to be made with traditional materials is through conservation and preservation.

The Importance of the Next Generation

As emphasized in many of the basket descriptions, the passing down of traditional ways to the younger generation is imperative to the continuance of the Abenaki culture. The goal of teaching children traditional ways is underscored on the Nulhegan Abenaki website: "Teaching our young ones the skills and customs of our ancestors keeps our heritage alive. We empower our children to, not only to survive but, thrive during economic hardships by utilizing the traditions and practices of our ancestors, such as organic agriculture and permaculture" ("Culture"). Town and tribal forests can also serve as a place to teach children traditional ways as well as teach non-native children a more accurate depiction of history and Abenaki way of life in order to break down erroneous stereotypes.

Works Cited

"Culture." Nulhegan Abenaki Tribe. Nulhegan Abenaki Tribe, 2012. Web. 21 July 2012.

McMullen, Ann. Key into the Language of Woodsplint Baskets. Institution for American Indian Studies, 1987.

Mundell, Kathleen. North by Northeast: Wabanaki, Akwesasne Mohawk, and Tuscarora Traditional Arts. TilburyHousePublishers, 2008.

SierraclubVT. Luke Willard at Vermont May Day Rally 2012-Abenaki Tribal Forests. YouTube. YouTube, 10 May 2012. Web. 21 July 2012.

Probably used to store fruits and vegetables, this basket was made to hang on a hook on the wall (Hopkinton Historical Society). Wide-open spaces at the bottom of the basket would allow air to circulate facilitating the quick drying of food or other items placed in the basket (Hopkinton Historical Society). According to the Hopkinton Historical Society, there is a residue on the inside of the basket that may suggest something wet was hung to dry inside it (Hopkinton Historical Society). The strong handle would probably be able to support a heavy load. In addition, the edge of the basket is reinforced with a continuous splint in a spiral formation. The strength of the basket illustrates the skill with which baskets are made. Although the basket is utilitarian in nature, "red and black natural dyes were swabbed on the exterior of some of the splints and on the visible portion of the interior"(Hopkinton Historical Society). The visible black splints make a square checkerboard shape, which compliments the pattern of the plain colored splints. The black splints were dyed with natural dyes, which suggest the date of the basket to be from the late 1700s to mid 1800s (Hopkinton Historical Society).

A Basket Speaks

But what analysis can be gained by looking at a basket? How much can a basket say? In her essay, "The Cultural Work of a Mohegan Painted Basket," Stephanie Fitzgerald writes, "Baskets, which were and still are ceremonial and utilitarian objects used for transportation and storage of items, prayer ceremonies, and traditional games, function as communicative devices. In sum, by touching every aspect of daily Native life, both past and present, basketry is imbued with cultural and spiritual power" (Fitzgerald 53). As an object needed for daily use, baskets have a direct connection to daily Native life. Because a basket is connected to the community, both now and in the past, through the basket making process and through its functional uses, baskets form a big part of Abenaki culture and tradition.

An Open Dialogue

Non-native written documents are biased and looking at non-alphabetic texts can create a bigger picture and form a more complete version of history. In his article, "Oral Tradition as Complement," Gordon Day writes, "All through the period of discovery, exploration and colonization they caught only glimpses of the Indian's attitudes, motivations, and understanding of the situation, and they were obviously not in a position to observe many events which were witnessed by Indian observers" (Day). In other words, non-native texts cannot explain everything because there is much that was only seen through the Indian's perspectives. Additionally, non-native writers were often biased and could not understand the position of the Abenaki: "dialogue with indigenous records enable us to imagine a literary tradition routed in negotiation and dialogues - rather than simply conquest and colonial monologues as the foundation of American Literature" (Rasmussen 9). The possibility of "A literary tradition routed in negotiation and dialogues" is why baskets are included within this archive (9). They are witnesses to a larger picture of history. Furthermore, because the Abenaki are not federally recognized it is important to appreciate baskets as a form of documentation that proves the continuing presence of Abenaki people, culture and traditions. As part of the criteria for recognition includes “documentation of sustained unity and government,” baskets can only aid the goal (Lindholm).

The Abenaki Today

The Abenaki are not federally recognized, however, four Abenaki bands, The Missisquoi, the Koasek, The Nulhegan, and Elnu tribes, have Vermont state recognition. This state recognition is important because of three reasons. First, it allows their artisans to sell items with the Native American made label, which lets the artisans sell their wares for a higher price. This enables many basketmakers to be financially independent through their craft. Second, it “allows members to apply for some federal programs including housing and education grants” (Lindholm). It opens the doors for the society to progress. Third, it provides a positive emphasis on their idea of identity. In other words, they no longer have to fight as hard to convince others of their identification as Abenaki: "Wabanaki Basketry can be used by Wabanaki people to assert tribal sovereignty and promote decolonization" (Neuman 100). Basketry also works as an outlet of communication between natives and non-natives (Neuman). It enables the dialogue started by looking at native texts to continue.

The Worth of a Basket

By focusing only on written works, a heavily non-native view is explored. Baskets add an additional piece of the puzzle to the Abenaki view of the world. Baskets such as this one prove that the Abenaki had and continue to have their own concrete culture.

Although this basket is utilitarian and not decorative as some of the fancy baskets in this archive, the “textuality” or literary worth of the basket is evident through its materials, its uses, and the careful process of basketmaking. This archive aims to be one of inclusion, not exclusion. By including both utilitarian and fancy baskets in context with their materials, the process of basketmaking, and the way that baskets continue to affect the Abenaki and other tribes today, a larger literary picture is formed.

Works Cited

This fancy basket with a flip lid has dark colored handles on the side and a blueish green latch on the front. The edge of the basket is decorated in a spiral formation with small ash splints of the same color. A circle of dyed ash splint is the focal point of the basket while the rest of the basket is woven with sweet grass: "Sweetgrass is a perennial grass that occurs in a wide variety of habitats including moist meadows, riverbanks, forest edges, low prairies, wetlands, shorelines, roadsides, and other disturbed areas" (Shebitz 258). It is commonly used in basketry and is also used as “a ceremonial smudge and incense or medicine” (Shebitz 357). “Sweetgrass, which can only be gathered once a year in July” has a very sweet fragrance and retains its smell even after it has been dried (Fratini). The material is just as important as the final product and the fact that sweetgrass is used in baskets indicates that a basket is more than an object with only a functional purpose. This archive continuously argues that baskets can serve as a text. They can say just as much as a letter, a deed, or a petition as long as the context of the basket is examined. Although Indian literature was not always alphabetic, various tribes had their own forms of communication as well as a permanent way to pass on their traditions from generation to generation. This basket is part of that communication.

Like Ash trees, sweetgrass is becoming harder and harder to find: "it is becoming more difficult to locate, and gatherers believe that its population is declining " (Shebitz 258). However, steps are being taken to preserve what sweetgrass is left and introduce sweetgrass where there is no longer any. For example, Daniela J. Shebitz and Robin W. Kimmerer worked with Kanatsiohareke, a Mohawk farm, to explore the possibilities of the reestablishment of sweetgrass because "Traditional crafts made from locally grown plants can strengthen the community both by preserving traditional art forms, such as basketry, and by providing a means of income" (Shebitz 258). This project emphasizes the connection between plant, tradition, and community. Likewise, baskets are an important part of the Abenaki community both in the past and in the future.

What is a Fancy Basket?

Probably from the 1900s, this basket was created at the height of the fancy basket period. Because fancy baskets were very popular in the late 1800s, many Abenaki would travel to tourist destinations in New England. For example, Joseph Laurent, chief of the Abenaki at Odanak from 1880 to 1892, "set off south for the summer with a group of Abenaki and Sokoki Indians to sell baskets. In 1884 they settled on a permanent spot in Intervale" (101 New Hampshire Century). The permanent encampment in Intervale sold baskets among other items such as canoes (101). Joseph Laurent also published New Familiar Abenakis and English Dialogues. His son, Stephen Laurent, later continued work at the Indian Shop and eventually became inspired to translate a dictionary, which helped revitalize the Abenaki Language (Koenig). The shop stayed in business until the late 1900s. Baskets such as this one were probably sold at the shop. These handmade baskets were an essential source of income. The popularity of the baskets coupled with the economic independence provided by this camp and others like it, allowed the basketmaking tradition to survive. As the Abenaki are not federally recognized, baskets such as this one help to reaffirm the Abenaki presence in New England.

The Importance of Context

Baskets require context to understand. Similarly, the Abenaki language places a big importance on context. For example, Stephen Laurent explains, "Even the simple word 'hand' gave one missionary a great deal of trouble. The Jesuit, pointing to his own hand, looked inquiringly at the Indian. The latter grunted, 'Kelji,' meaning Your hand.' Later to verify his records, he repeated his question, pointing to the Indian's hand. This time the answer was, 'Nelji,' meaning 'My hand'" (New Hampshire Century 100). The word hand does not stand-alone; it belongs to someone. The context of the communication is important because it does not make sense for a hand to stand alone, it is part of something bigger: "Finally to isolate the noun, the missionary persuaded someone inside a wigwam to stick out his hand through a slit in the doorway. The answer was 'Awanelji,' 'Someone's hand.'" (100). Likewise, the context of baskets must be discovered for their textuality to be evident.  The fancy basket "movement" illustrates the economic independence of American Indians at the end of the 18th century and beginning of the 19th century. Furthermore, the format of the Abenaki language explains why context is so important as far as Abenaki baskets and other texts are concerned. The hand must belong to someone because that is the way that hands work: without the person and context the hand is meaningless. Likewise the basket does not mean as much without the context surrounding it.

The Next Generation

The next generation is just as important as the last generation: both are needed to strengthen a culture and keep it as a continuing presence. The strongest argument for how a basket counts as a text is in what a basket communicates to the decedents of the basketmaker. In a book dedicated to American Indian basketry, North By Northeast, Kathleen Mundell writes, “The work we create as artists connects us with our ancestors and leaves behind a connection for those yet to be born to remember who we are and were. The baskets, carvings, beadwork, tools, and items that made their way into museums still speak to us and teach us” (Mundell 26). As Joseph Laurent passed down his passion for the Abenaki language to his son Stephen Laurent, so too do others pass down the passion of basketmaking to the younger generations. A basket, when looked at in conjunction to its context can inspire the younger generation to continue the tradition.